[Statement issued by the Polit Bureau of the CPI (M)]
The stay given by the two-member bench of the Supreme Court on the implementation of 27 per cent reservation for Other Backward Classes in the centrally-run educational institutions is unfortunate.
It may be recalled that on the issue of implementation of the Mandal Commission Report, 27 per cent reservation for OBCs in government jobs was decided. The Supreme Court had upheld the reservation alongwith exclusion of the creamy layer.
What was done for Central government jobs has now been extended to Centrally-sponsored educational institutions by legislation in Parliament.
The judgement has ignored the fact that there are clear-cut lists of Other Backward Classes in all the states. It is on this basis that there is already reservation for OBCs in educational institutions in many states.
The Polit Bureau calls upon the government to take all necessary steps to ensure that the Parliament legislation gets implemented.
Thursday, March 29, 2007
Friday, March 23, 2007
SEZs: Stop Piecemeal changes
[Press statement issued by the Polit Bureau of the CPI(M)]
The overall SEZ policy and the changes required in the SEZ Act and Rules are being considered by the Group of Ministers. The CPI(M) and the Left parties have submitted their position on what changes are required in the Act and Rules.
While this exercise has not been completed, it is surprising that the Ministry of Commerce, through a notification issued on March 16, 2007, has made certain amendments to the SEZ Rules of 2006.
One of the amendments allows the developer to expand the area of SEZ by acquiring more vacant land in contiguous areas. This would mean that the scope of the SEZ can be expanded beyond the initial approval. This goes against the suggestion given by the Left parties that a ceiling should be fixed for the size of SEZ. Moreover, another amendment seeks to continue with tax concessions for the contractors working for the private SEZ developers. This also goes against the suggestion of the Left parties that tax concessions provided to private developers should be removed.
The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) calls upon the government not to make piecemeal changes in the SEZ Rules. The empowered Group of Ministers must finalise their report and only then the required changes should be put in place.
The overall SEZ policy and the changes required in the SEZ Act and Rules are being considered by the Group of Ministers. The CPI(M) and the Left parties have submitted their position on what changes are required in the Act and Rules.
While this exercise has not been completed, it is surprising that the Ministry of Commerce, through a notification issued on March 16, 2007, has made certain amendments to the SEZ Rules of 2006.
One of the amendments allows the developer to expand the area of SEZ by acquiring more vacant land in contiguous areas. This would mean that the scope of the SEZ can be expanded beyond the initial approval. This goes against the suggestion given by the Left parties that a ceiling should be fixed for the size of SEZ. Moreover, another amendment seeks to continue with tax concessions for the contractors working for the private SEZ developers. This also goes against the suggestion of the Left parties that tax concessions provided to private developers should be removed.
The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) calls upon the government not to make piecemeal changes in the SEZ Rules. The empowered Group of Ministers must finalise their report and only then the required changes should be put in place.
Thursday, March 22, 2007
Prakash Karat on Nandigram
[Article by the CPI(M) general secretary Prakash Karat appearing in the March 24 issue of People's Democracy]
The events in Nandigram, starting from the January 3 incident have been the subject of a heated controversy. A feature of this political tussle has been the concerted attempt to attack the CPI(M) on the grounds that it is taking an anti-peasant stance in favour of big companies. It is accused of using the police for this purpose.
The March 14 incidents when the police entered Nandigram and police firing took place have led to protests in West Bengal and in other parts of the country. At the national level, the BJP and its allies have focussed on this incident. Parliament was disrupted for five successive days. The BJP and the Trinamul Congress have demanded the imposition of Article 356 in West Bengal. Some other opposition groups have demanded the removal of the Chief Minister.
It is essential to understand what happened in Nandigram and what are the issues involved. First of all, it must be clear that the police action in Nandigram was not for any land acquisition. It is true that the West Bengal government had considered certain areas within Nandigram for the proposed chemical hub to be set-up as a Special Economic Zone. This was under the consideration of the state government. There was no notification for land acquisition by the authorities at any stage. There was a notice by the Haldia Development Authority for public information regarding the likely location of the project. It is this notice which set off protests by people in the Nandigram Block I.
From 3rd of January to the 14th of March, what happened within Nandigram Block I should be properly understood. From the time a gram panchayat office was attacked and the police party called in was also attacked by an armed mob, a chain of events took place which culminated in the police entry into the area two and a half months later. All bridges and culverts linking the roads to the area were destroyed and cut off. CPI(M) offices and the houses of Party workers and supporters were burnt down or looted. Altogether, 2,500 leaders, supporters and members of the Party were driven out of the area. A detailed account of the nature of the attacks has been published separately in this issue.
Most of the media and the political opponents of the CPI(M) have remained conspicuously silent about the operation to cleanse Nandigram of the CPI(M).
It is shocking that many of the intellectuals who claim to be on the Left, have not said a word of condemnation about these cleansing operations which led to the brutal murder of Sankar Samanta, a CPI(M) panchayat member and Sunita Mondal, a school student. The lynching of a police sub inspector Sadhucharan Chatterjee was also received with no qualms. As recently as March 3, a woman was gang raped by men led by a local TMC leader. She was targeted because she belonged to a CPI(M) supporter's family that refused to join the programme of the Bhumi Rakkha Committee.
The TMC-Jamiat-Naxalite combination which spearheaded the Bhumi Rakkha Committee was able to keep the people mobilised with a fear that their land would be taken away. The Chief Minister had, as early as February 9, categorically stated that no land for the chemical hub would be taken from Nandigram, if the people do not want it. But, as the entire CPI(M) leadership including activists and supporters were absent from the area, the vicious anti-CPI(M) campaign playing on people's fear about their land could continue without being challenged.
The Nandigram events came in the background of the opposition launched by the same forces against the Singur automobile project. The Central Committee of the CPI(M) had met in Kolkata between January 2 and 4. It discussed the Singur project and endorsed the stand of the West Bengal CPI(M) and the Left Front government in going ahead with the Tata car project. The West Bengal CPI(M) leadership had also informed that no land acquisition would be taken up in Nandigram if the people are opposed to it. The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) had confirmed this after its meeting on February 17 and 18, when it stated that "There is no question of any land being acquired for the SEZ projects, as in Nandigram, against the wishes of the people".
It speaks for the character of the political combine that is spearheading the Nandigram agitation who, after knowing that the government is not going to acquire land in Nandigram, went ahead with instigating or condoning violence against the CPI(M)'s elected representatives in the panchayats, its local leaders, members and families. Certain NGOs with international links and the anti-Communist media have lent full support to this enterprise.
It is these same elements who refused to attend all-party meetings repeatedly called by the district administration. The last all-party meeting held on March 10 decided that the administration should move to restore communications and normalcy in the area. It is in this connection that the police entered the area on March 14. In the ensuing confrontation, 14 people have died and many injured including policemen. The police were met with protests not only by the local people but from elements armed with bombs and pipe guns.
The deaths of ordinary people in police firing is deeply regrettable. Such an event is painful and unfortunate. The CPI(M) would have liked a full-fledged judicial enquiry, so that all the circumstances which led to the police action and the firing could be looked into and the facts established. The Kolkata High Court, however, in an unprecedented step, without even asking the state government for a report, ordered a CBI enquiry on the March 14 incident.
The police firing resulting in deaths has incurred the disapproval of different sections of people in West Bengal, a state which has a high level of democratic consciousness. The reactions against the police action in the rest of the country also reflect the same disapproval. Such reactions are understandable. But to link the police action to a purported drive to take over land from the peasants in Nandigram is a deliberate attempt to malign the Left Front government and the CPI(M).
The issue of land acquisition and industrialisation in West Bengal is being viewed by interested quarters according to their own political and ideological predilections. While some of the neo-liberal supporters of the SEZs are worried that the Nandigram incidents will lead to a setback for the setting up of SEZs in the country, naxalites of various hues and persons like Medha Patkar are hoping that industrialisation in West Bengal can be halted after the violence in Nandigram. Both are on the wrong track.
As far as Special Economic Zones are concerned, the CPI(M) and the Left Front government of West Bengal want major changes in the scope and character of the SEZs. In February itself, the Left Front government decided that new SEZs will not be set-up in West Bengal till the changes in the all-India SEZ Act and Rules are made. West Bengal will not adopt the type of SEZs being set-up in Maharashtra, Haryana and other states where huge tracts of land are being given to big business houses with ample scope for real estate speculation. The Left parties have already spelt out the changes required.
As for those who want the Left Front government to give up its industrialisation policy, they will be disappointed. West Bengal will protect and further develop agriculture; the gains of land reforms will not be undermined but the emphasis on industrialisation will not be given up. The long years of deindustrialisation has to be reversed. Balanced economic development requires industrialisation within the capitalist framework too. If some argue that small and medium industries are sufficient, the CPI(M) does not agree. Large-scale units, particularly in manufacturing, are necessary.
The CPI(M) will not be daunted by the gang-up extending from the BJP to the Maoists. The people of West Bengal know who are the true champions of their interests and who are in the reactionary combine which is the TMC, BJP and its new-found allies. Those conversant with political history will also know how the CPI(M) has emerged as the leading contingent of the Left in West Bengal by steadfastly fighting back the repeated attempts by the ruling classes to rally all forces to isolate the Party. They have failed in the past and will fail again now.
The events in Nandigram, starting from the January 3 incident have been the subject of a heated controversy. A feature of this political tussle has been the concerted attempt to attack the CPI(M) on the grounds that it is taking an anti-peasant stance in favour of big companies. It is accused of using the police for this purpose.
The March 14 incidents when the police entered Nandigram and police firing took place have led to protests in West Bengal and in other parts of the country. At the national level, the BJP and its allies have focussed on this incident. Parliament was disrupted for five successive days. The BJP and the Trinamul Congress have demanded the imposition of Article 356 in West Bengal. Some other opposition groups have demanded the removal of the Chief Minister.
It is essential to understand what happened in Nandigram and what are the issues involved. First of all, it must be clear that the police action in Nandigram was not for any land acquisition. It is true that the West Bengal government had considered certain areas within Nandigram for the proposed chemical hub to be set-up as a Special Economic Zone. This was under the consideration of the state government. There was no notification for land acquisition by the authorities at any stage. There was a notice by the Haldia Development Authority for public information regarding the likely location of the project. It is this notice which set off protests by people in the Nandigram Block I.
From 3rd of January to the 14th of March, what happened within Nandigram Block I should be properly understood. From the time a gram panchayat office was attacked and the police party called in was also attacked by an armed mob, a chain of events took place which culminated in the police entry into the area two and a half months later. All bridges and culverts linking the roads to the area were destroyed and cut off. CPI(M) offices and the houses of Party workers and supporters were burnt down or looted. Altogether, 2,500 leaders, supporters and members of the Party were driven out of the area. A detailed account of the nature of the attacks has been published separately in this issue.
Most of the media and the political opponents of the CPI(M) have remained conspicuously silent about the operation to cleanse Nandigram of the CPI(M).
It is shocking that many of the intellectuals who claim to be on the Left, have not said a word of condemnation about these cleansing operations which led to the brutal murder of Sankar Samanta, a CPI(M) panchayat member and Sunita Mondal, a school student. The lynching of a police sub inspector Sadhucharan Chatterjee was also received with no qualms. As recently as March 3, a woman was gang raped by men led by a local TMC leader. She was targeted because she belonged to a CPI(M) supporter's family that refused to join the programme of the Bhumi Rakkha Committee.
The TMC-Jamiat-Naxalite combination which spearheaded the Bhumi Rakkha Committee was able to keep the people mobilised with a fear that their land would be taken away. The Chief Minister had, as early as February 9, categorically stated that no land for the chemical hub would be taken from Nandigram, if the people do not want it. But, as the entire CPI(M) leadership including activists and supporters were absent from the area, the vicious anti-CPI(M) campaign playing on people's fear about their land could continue without being challenged.
The Nandigram events came in the background of the opposition launched by the same forces against the Singur automobile project. The Central Committee of the CPI(M) had met in Kolkata between January 2 and 4. It discussed the Singur project and endorsed the stand of the West Bengal CPI(M) and the Left Front government in going ahead with the Tata car project. The West Bengal CPI(M) leadership had also informed that no land acquisition would be taken up in Nandigram if the people are opposed to it. The Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) had confirmed this after its meeting on February 17 and 18, when it stated that "There is no question of any land being acquired for the SEZ projects, as in Nandigram, against the wishes of the people".
It speaks for the character of the political combine that is spearheading the Nandigram agitation who, after knowing that the government is not going to acquire land in Nandigram, went ahead with instigating or condoning violence against the CPI(M)'s elected representatives in the panchayats, its local leaders, members and families. Certain NGOs with international links and the anti-Communist media have lent full support to this enterprise.
It is these same elements who refused to attend all-party meetings repeatedly called by the district administration. The last all-party meeting held on March 10 decided that the administration should move to restore communications and normalcy in the area. It is in this connection that the police entered the area on March 14. In the ensuing confrontation, 14 people have died and many injured including policemen. The police were met with protests not only by the local people but from elements armed with bombs and pipe guns.
The deaths of ordinary people in police firing is deeply regrettable. Such an event is painful and unfortunate. The CPI(M) would have liked a full-fledged judicial enquiry, so that all the circumstances which led to the police action and the firing could be looked into and the facts established. The Kolkata High Court, however, in an unprecedented step, without even asking the state government for a report, ordered a CBI enquiry on the March 14 incident.
The police firing resulting in deaths has incurred the disapproval of different sections of people in West Bengal, a state which has a high level of democratic consciousness. The reactions against the police action in the rest of the country also reflect the same disapproval. Such reactions are understandable. But to link the police action to a purported drive to take over land from the peasants in Nandigram is a deliberate attempt to malign the Left Front government and the CPI(M).
The issue of land acquisition and industrialisation in West Bengal is being viewed by interested quarters according to their own political and ideological predilections. While some of the neo-liberal supporters of the SEZs are worried that the Nandigram incidents will lead to a setback for the setting up of SEZs in the country, naxalites of various hues and persons like Medha Patkar are hoping that industrialisation in West Bengal can be halted after the violence in Nandigram. Both are on the wrong track.
As far as Special Economic Zones are concerned, the CPI(M) and the Left Front government of West Bengal want major changes in the scope and character of the SEZs. In February itself, the Left Front government decided that new SEZs will not be set-up in West Bengal till the changes in the all-India SEZ Act and Rules are made. West Bengal will not adopt the type of SEZs being set-up in Maharashtra, Haryana and other states where huge tracts of land are being given to big business houses with ample scope for real estate speculation. The Left parties have already spelt out the changes required.
As for those who want the Left Front government to give up its industrialisation policy, they will be disappointed. West Bengal will protect and further develop agriculture; the gains of land reforms will not be undermined but the emphasis on industrialisation will not be given up. The long years of deindustrialisation has to be reversed. Balanced economic development requires industrialisation within the capitalist framework too. If some argue that small and medium industries are sufficient, the CPI(M) does not agree. Large-scale units, particularly in manufacturing, are necessary.
The CPI(M) will not be daunted by the gang-up extending from the BJP to the Maoists. The people of West Bengal know who are the true champions of their interests and who are in the reactionary combine which is the TMC, BJP and its new-found allies. Those conversant with political history will also know how the CPI(M) has emerged as the leading contingent of the Left in West Bengal by steadfastly fighting back the repeated attempts by the ruling classes to rally all forces to isolate the Party. They have failed in the past and will fail again now.
Rejoinder to Yogendra Yadav
[Letter to the editor of 'Indian Express' by B. Prasant]
In his haste to malign the Bengal unit of the CPI (M) in his column ('Party Games', IE, March 21), Yogendra Yadav has his facts off beam and his arguments wrong, and he would not allow the big picture to hinder his effete anti-Communist sniping. A few pointers can be cited in defence of our position on some of the issues Yadav has chosen to focus on.
His delineation of Alipurduar, which is in Jalpaiguri district, as the 'headquarters of Coochbehar district' is as incorrect as his formulation and description of the 'Gandhian' movements that demand 'regional autonomy.' A look at history would not harm Yadav's lack of knowledge about it. Once the sweep of the land movements and struggles of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s leading to land concentrations of the landlords and the rich kisans (or jotdars) being redistributed among the rural poor had left the Congress in north Bengal as elsewhere, without a viable political base, the superior landed elements started to form various platforms that basically aimed at subverting the land movement and building up a violent opposition to the Bengal Left Front government that came to office in 1977.
The Hitasadhani, the UTJAS and their progenies, the Kamtapuri Liberation organisation (KLO) and the Kamtapuri People's Party (KPP), and the latest in line, the Greater Coochbehar movement (GCM), all of them talked in terms of not just regional autonomy but separatism. In calling these outfits counter-democratic and separatist, the LF government was merely adhering to facts.
VIOLENCE
All three of the latter outfits would go on to indulge in great violence including killing of several dozens of CPI (M) leaders while having electoral and political tie-ups with the rightist Trinamul Congress and the Pradesh Congress. Acts of commission of the separatist elements also include killing of two police officers including a woman officer, and these are the outfits that Yadav is bent on glorifying. The rally of 'fifty thousands' that Yadav speaks about exists in his imagination for one has no evidence of any kind of any rally having taken place as claimed.
In spilling his ire about Nandigram, Yadav would shudder at the police firing but would not dare mention the rural people who were hacked to death and blown away by bomb blasts simply because they had refused to toe the anti-LF government line of the Trinamul Congress, the SUCI, religious fundamentalists of both persuasions, and the Naxalites there. Yadav would not talk about the way more than 2000 families were forced to quit their hearth-and-home and make for relief camps, again by the right-left combination of the Trinamul Congress and the Naxalites aided and abetted by the Congress and the BJP.
Importantly, Yadav would not dare mention that following the spread of a malicious rumour of 'land acquisition,' the entire Nandigram area was cut off from the realm of administration at the behest of the armed cadres of the Trinamul Congress, the Naxalites, the SUCI, and the religious fundamentalists.: roads were dug up, bridges were smashed, and culverts were destroyed, leading to extreme hardship of the local people at least five of whom died when ambulances were not able to enter the locality.
POLITICAL IMPASSE: AT WHOSE BEHEST?
The aim of the right-left conglomerate was clearly to defy the LF government and refuse to let the writ of the land run at Nandigram. This happened even after the chief minister of Bengal had declared that no industries centre would come up at Nandigram if the people there did not want it. Yadav would also shy away from the fact that political imbroglio had been escalated by the fact that none of the opposition worthies would attend the all-party meetings called in succession in settlement of the Nandigram issue.
In shedding tears for the plight of the dalits in Bengal, Yadav is not aware of the fact that with the redistributive land reforms in place, Bengal under LF government has seen rural poor in control and ownership of 78% of the agricultural land, and dalits form an important component of the rural scenario. The CPI (M) and the Left Front garner the overwhelming majority of the dalit votes during elections over the past three decades. Moreover, Yadav would be critical of the CPI (M) for having demanded the implementation of the Sachar Committee report as if that was an act of commission.
In his haste to malign the Bengal unit of the CPI (M) in his column ('Party Games', IE, March 21), Yogendra Yadav has his facts off beam and his arguments wrong, and he would not allow the big picture to hinder his effete anti-Communist sniping. A few pointers can be cited in defence of our position on some of the issues Yadav has chosen to focus on.
His delineation of Alipurduar, which is in Jalpaiguri district, as the 'headquarters of Coochbehar district' is as incorrect as his formulation and description of the 'Gandhian' movements that demand 'regional autonomy.' A look at history would not harm Yadav's lack of knowledge about it. Once the sweep of the land movements and struggles of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s leading to land concentrations of the landlords and the rich kisans (or jotdars) being redistributed among the rural poor had left the Congress in north Bengal as elsewhere, without a viable political base, the superior landed elements started to form various platforms that basically aimed at subverting the land movement and building up a violent opposition to the Bengal Left Front government that came to office in 1977.
The Hitasadhani, the UTJAS and their progenies, the Kamtapuri Liberation organisation (KLO) and the Kamtapuri People's Party (KPP), and the latest in line, the Greater Coochbehar movement (GCM), all of them talked in terms of not just regional autonomy but separatism. In calling these outfits counter-democratic and separatist, the LF government was merely adhering to facts.
VIOLENCE
All three of the latter outfits would go on to indulge in great violence including killing of several dozens of CPI (M) leaders while having electoral and political tie-ups with the rightist Trinamul Congress and the Pradesh Congress. Acts of commission of the separatist elements also include killing of two police officers including a woman officer, and these are the outfits that Yadav is bent on glorifying. The rally of 'fifty thousands' that Yadav speaks about exists in his imagination for one has no evidence of any kind of any rally having taken place as claimed.
In spilling his ire about Nandigram, Yadav would shudder at the police firing but would not dare mention the rural people who were hacked to death and blown away by bomb blasts simply because they had refused to toe the anti-LF government line of the Trinamul Congress, the SUCI, religious fundamentalists of both persuasions, and the Naxalites there. Yadav would not talk about the way more than 2000 families were forced to quit their hearth-and-home and make for relief camps, again by the right-left combination of the Trinamul Congress and the Naxalites aided and abetted by the Congress and the BJP.
Importantly, Yadav would not dare mention that following the spread of a malicious rumour of 'land acquisition,' the entire Nandigram area was cut off from the realm of administration at the behest of the armed cadres of the Trinamul Congress, the Naxalites, the SUCI, and the religious fundamentalists.: roads were dug up, bridges were smashed, and culverts were destroyed, leading to extreme hardship of the local people at least five of whom died when ambulances were not able to enter the locality.
POLITICAL IMPASSE: AT WHOSE BEHEST?
The aim of the right-left conglomerate was clearly to defy the LF government and refuse to let the writ of the land run at Nandigram. This happened even after the chief minister of Bengal had declared that no industries centre would come up at Nandigram if the people there did not want it. Yadav would also shy away from the fact that political imbroglio had been escalated by the fact that none of the opposition worthies would attend the all-party meetings called in succession in settlement of the Nandigram issue.
In shedding tears for the plight of the dalits in Bengal, Yadav is not aware of the fact that with the redistributive land reforms in place, Bengal under LF government has seen rural poor in control and ownership of 78% of the agricultural land, and dalits form an important component of the rural scenario. The CPI (M) and the Left Front garner the overwhelming majority of the dalit votes during elections over the past three decades. Moreover, Yadav would be critical of the CPI (M) for having demanded the implementation of the Sachar Committee report as if that was an act of commission.
Resist US Pressures
[Press Statement issued by the Polit Bureau of the CPI(M)]
The report that the US Energy Secretary during his visit to Delhi has conveyed to the Indian government the opposition of the United States to the Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline is disturbing. The gas pipeline project from Iran is of vital interest to India and its energy security. The well known opposition of the US is motivated by its partisan interests and its targetting of Iran.
The UPA government must proceed with the gas pipeline project and ensure the completion of the negotiations with Pakistan on the transit fee and other charges.
The United States is also exercising pressure on India to buy F16 fighter planes. The United States is seeking to utilise its military cooperation agreement and "strategic partnership" to demand that India buy US fighter planes for "inter-operability" and facilitation of joint exercises. The Polit Bureau is of the firm opinion that India should resist such pressures. The purchase of fighter planes should not be swayed by the strategic and commercial interests of the United States in selling weaponary to India.
The report that the US Energy Secretary during his visit to Delhi has conveyed to the Indian government the opposition of the United States to the Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline is disturbing. The gas pipeline project from Iran is of vital interest to India and its energy security. The well known opposition of the US is motivated by its partisan interests and its targetting of Iran.
The UPA government must proceed with the gas pipeline project and ensure the completion of the negotiations with Pakistan on the transit fee and other charges.
The United States is also exercising pressure on India to buy F16 fighter planes. The United States is seeking to utilise its military cooperation agreement and "strategic partnership" to demand that India buy US fighter planes for "inter-operability" and facilitation of joint exercises. The Polit Bureau is of the firm opinion that India should resist such pressures. The purchase of fighter planes should not be swayed by the strategic and commercial interests of the United States in selling weaponary to India.
Friday, March 16, 2007
What happened in Nandigram? A statement of facts
The trouble in Nandigram began with attacks on Panchayat members, administrative officials and police on 3rd January, 2007. The following is a brief of what happened thereafter.
1. East Midnapur was poised to be declared as "Nirmal" district, for excellent achievements in sanitation. A central team was scheduled to visit Nandigram on 13th and 14th January for this purpose. In fact, the central team has already visited other areas of the district and watched the noteworthy success in this regard. On 3rd January, the preparatory meeting for the visit was taking place in Kalicharanpur Gram Panchayat office. Some activists of Trinamool Congress gathered there at around 11-30 in the morning. They demanded that the land acquisition notice, served by Haldia Development Authority be scrapped and the Panchayat declare that there would be no such acquisition. Samerun Bibi, the Panchayat pradhan, refused to heed their demand. They were violent and abusive. They ransacked the Panchayat office. The Panchayat secretary was injured in the attack. The mob also pelted stones on the health sub-centre. It was only after this that the Panchayat pradhan informed the Nandigram police station. As the police vehicle was proceeding towards the village, they were attacked by an armed mob. 11 policemen including 2 ASIs were seriously injured. The police vehicle was torched. A rifle was also looted which was later returned to the police station by TMC MLA Subhendu Adhikary. After some time another mob attacked a police car of Khejuri police station about five kilometers away and attempted to burn it. The police have not entered the area since then.
2. The miscreants started moving with arms and began to destroy bridges and culverts linking roads. They created an atmosphere of terror. On 4th and 5th January, they virtually destroyed every link road and bridge connecting Nandigram and Khejuri to the outside world. They also burnt a 25KV electric sub-station. An armed gang equipped with firearms attacked the CPI(M) local committee office in Rajaramchawk and burnt it. Cadres of TMC and other forces roamed around and threatened CPI(M) leaders and sympathizers with dire consequences. On both these days many houses of CPI(M) workers and sympathizers were looted. A large number of CPI(M) workers were forced to leave the villages and take shelter in a nearby camp. That the mob was armed could be seen in the photographs published in newspapers. The entire incident was meticulously planned.
3. The ousted CPI(M) workers and their families took shelter in a camp in the southern side of the Bhangabera bridge in Khejuri area. On 6th January miscreants of the so-called Jami Rakkha Committee (a conglomeration of TMC, Congress, SUCI, Naxalite groups, Jamiat ulema-e-Hind) attacked the camp at about 3 a.m. They even prepared bunkers for the attack. There was resistance from the camp and in the ensuing conflict three of the attackers died. One of them, Seikh Salim was a resident of South Kendemari, about 12 Kms away from the spot. It was evident that they gathered there to attack the camp in a planned manner.
4. On 7th January morning, the miscreants attacked the house of Sankar Samanta, CPI(M) Panchayat member, looted his house and burnt it. They dragged Samanta to Shitpara and burnt him alive in a haystack.
5. Bhudeb Mandal, another CPI(M) supporter was seriously injured in the attack. The miscreants left him, assuming that he was dead. He however, regained consciousness and somehow reached a relative's house. Later he was hospitalized. In all 153 houses were looted. The houses and shops of Lakhman Mandal, Sonachura Panchayat pradhan, Samerun Bibi, Kalicharanpur Panchayat pradhan, Arjun Maity, Dr, Pratap Paul, Rabiul, Annapurna Das -- all CPI(M) workers -- were burnt.
6. Among those evicted from the villages are 2 district Committee members of CPI(M), 2 local committee secretaries, 6 zonal committee members, 16 local committee members and 56 Party members. More than 200 families were forced to stay in relief camp or relatives' houses. Later, the number surged and more than 2000 people were ousted from the village. Their houses were looted and their lands were forcefully occupied. Hundreds of people were forced to pay ransom.
7. The attack spread to adjoining Khejuri and some parts of rural Haldia. On 7th February, 2007 a police party went to the village to discuss the issues. They were brutally attacked without any provocation. The local OC was seriously injured. Despite this, the police did not retaliate and returned back. The miscreants dragged Sadhucharan Chatterjee, an elderly police person and killed him. His body was found in the river after a three day search.
8. On 10th February, Sunita Mondal, a student of class ten, was brutally murdered after torture. Her body was found on a tree, with rope tied to her neck. Her father was ousted earlier by miscreants. The police could not enter into the village to collect information even after such an incident. Members of the State Women Commission were also faced resistance when they tried to investigate the matter.
9. On 17th and 18th February, another 22 houses were burnt by the TMC miscreants. Many more families were forced to flee from the villages.
10. On 3rd March, one housewife (name withheld) was mass raped by a gang of TMC miscreants led by Srihari Samanta, a local TMC leader. The victim is from a CPI(M) sympathizer's family and refused to join the programme of Bhumi Rakkha Committee. The victim was hospitalized and her entire statement has been recorded.
11. The Chief Minister has stated categorically that there will be no forced land acquisition in Nandigram. On 9th February the CM pointedly told in a public meeting in Khejuri that without the consent of the people of Nandigram nothing will be done. Later, on a number of occasions during the last one month, the CM has repeatedly stated in very clear terms that the proposed Chemical Hub would be shifted if the people of Nandigram did not accept the proposal. Even after that, there was no respite from the atrocities perpetrated by the Bhumi Rakkha Committee, making it amply clear that the question is not at all that of "land acquisition" but a political strategy to maintain a forced acquisition of Nandigram by a combination of political forces.
12. The district administration, meanwhile called a series of all-party meetings and peace meetings, mostly boycotted by TMC, Congress and Bhumi Rakkha Committee. The last such meeting was organized on 10th March where representatives from Left Front partners and BJP were present. TMC, Congress and Bhumi Rakkha Committee declined the invitation. It was decided in the meeting that the administration would move to restore reconstruction work and normalcy in the area and anyone resisting the constitutional duties would be legally dealt with.
13. On 14th March, the police entered the area after prior announcements through loudspeaker. When they reached Sonachura, they were attacked with bombs and guns. In the ensuing confrontation 13 people were killed. One more person was killed due to bomb injury.
1. East Midnapur was poised to be declared as "Nirmal" district, for excellent achievements in sanitation. A central team was scheduled to visit Nandigram on 13th and 14th January for this purpose. In fact, the central team has already visited other areas of the district and watched the noteworthy success in this regard. On 3rd January, the preparatory meeting for the visit was taking place in Kalicharanpur Gram Panchayat office. Some activists of Trinamool Congress gathered there at around 11-30 in the morning. They demanded that the land acquisition notice, served by Haldia Development Authority be scrapped and the Panchayat declare that there would be no such acquisition. Samerun Bibi, the Panchayat pradhan, refused to heed their demand. They were violent and abusive. They ransacked the Panchayat office. The Panchayat secretary was injured in the attack. The mob also pelted stones on the health sub-centre. It was only after this that the Panchayat pradhan informed the Nandigram police station. As the police vehicle was proceeding towards the village, they were attacked by an armed mob. 11 policemen including 2 ASIs were seriously injured. The police vehicle was torched. A rifle was also looted which was later returned to the police station by TMC MLA Subhendu Adhikary. After some time another mob attacked a police car of Khejuri police station about five kilometers away and attempted to burn it. The police have not entered the area since then.
2. The miscreants started moving with arms and began to destroy bridges and culverts linking roads. They created an atmosphere of terror. On 4th and 5th January, they virtually destroyed every link road and bridge connecting Nandigram and Khejuri to the outside world. They also burnt a 25KV electric sub-station. An armed gang equipped with firearms attacked the CPI(M) local committee office in Rajaramchawk and burnt it. Cadres of TMC and other forces roamed around and threatened CPI(M) leaders and sympathizers with dire consequences. On both these days many houses of CPI(M) workers and sympathizers were looted. A large number of CPI(M) workers were forced to leave the villages and take shelter in a nearby camp. That the mob was armed could be seen in the photographs published in newspapers. The entire incident was meticulously planned.
3. The ousted CPI(M) workers and their families took shelter in a camp in the southern side of the Bhangabera bridge in Khejuri area. On 6th January miscreants of the so-called Jami Rakkha Committee (a conglomeration of TMC, Congress, SUCI, Naxalite groups, Jamiat ulema-e-Hind) attacked the camp at about 3 a.m. They even prepared bunkers for the attack. There was resistance from the camp and in the ensuing conflict three of the attackers died. One of them, Seikh Salim was a resident of South Kendemari, about 12 Kms away from the spot. It was evident that they gathered there to attack the camp in a planned manner.
4. On 7th January morning, the miscreants attacked the house of Sankar Samanta, CPI(M) Panchayat member, looted his house and burnt it. They dragged Samanta to Shitpara and burnt him alive in a haystack.
5. Bhudeb Mandal, another CPI(M) supporter was seriously injured in the attack. The miscreants left him, assuming that he was dead. He however, regained consciousness and somehow reached a relative's house. Later he was hospitalized. In all 153 houses were looted. The houses and shops of Lakhman Mandal, Sonachura Panchayat pradhan, Samerun Bibi, Kalicharanpur Panchayat pradhan, Arjun Maity, Dr, Pratap Paul, Rabiul, Annapurna Das -- all CPI(M) workers -- were burnt.
6. Among those evicted from the villages are 2 district Committee members of CPI(M), 2 local committee secretaries, 6 zonal committee members, 16 local committee members and 56 Party members. More than 200 families were forced to stay in relief camp or relatives' houses. Later, the number surged and more than 2000 people were ousted from the village. Their houses were looted and their lands were forcefully occupied. Hundreds of people were forced to pay ransom.
7. The attack spread to adjoining Khejuri and some parts of rural Haldia. On 7th February, 2007 a police party went to the village to discuss the issues. They were brutally attacked without any provocation. The local OC was seriously injured. Despite this, the police did not retaliate and returned back. The miscreants dragged Sadhucharan Chatterjee, an elderly police person and killed him. His body was found in the river after a three day search.
8. On 10th February, Sunita Mondal, a student of class ten, was brutally murdered after torture. Her body was found on a tree, with rope tied to her neck. Her father was ousted earlier by miscreants. The police could not enter into the village to collect information even after such an incident. Members of the State Women Commission were also faced resistance when they tried to investigate the matter.
9. On 17th and 18th February, another 22 houses were burnt by the TMC miscreants. Many more families were forced to flee from the villages.
10. On 3rd March, one housewife (name withheld) was mass raped by a gang of TMC miscreants led by Srihari Samanta, a local TMC leader. The victim is from a CPI(M) sympathizer's family and refused to join the programme of Bhumi Rakkha Committee. The victim was hospitalized and her entire statement has been recorded.
11. The Chief Minister has stated categorically that there will be no forced land acquisition in Nandigram. On 9th February the CM pointedly told in a public meeting in Khejuri that without the consent of the people of Nandigram nothing will be done. Later, on a number of occasions during the last one month, the CM has repeatedly stated in very clear terms that the proposed Chemical Hub would be shifted if the people of Nandigram did not accept the proposal. Even after that, there was no respite from the atrocities perpetrated by the Bhumi Rakkha Committee, making it amply clear that the question is not at all that of "land acquisition" but a political strategy to maintain a forced acquisition of Nandigram by a combination of political forces.
12. The district administration, meanwhile called a series of all-party meetings and peace meetings, mostly boycotted by TMC, Congress and Bhumi Rakkha Committee. The last such meeting was organized on 10th March where representatives from Left Front partners and BJP were present. TMC, Congress and Bhumi Rakkha Committee declined the invitation. It was decided in the meeting that the administration would move to restore reconstruction work and normalcy in the area and anyone resisting the constitutional duties would be legally dealt with.
13. On 14th March, the police entered the area after prior announcements through loudspeaker. When they reached Sonachura, they were attacked with bombs and guns. In the ensuing confrontation 13 people were killed. One more person was killed due to bomb injury.
Thursday, March 15, 2007
West Bengal CM's statement on Nandigram Incidents
A proposal for setting up a mega-chemical hub and a multi-product Special Economic Zone (SEZ) over about 10,000 acres of land in Nandigram Police Station of Purba Medinipur district was under consideration of the state government. Though no final decision has yet been taken about the exact location of the projects, on December 29, 2006 an informal notice for public information regarding likely location of this project was circulated y the Haldia Development Authority to all blocks and Gram Panchayat offices of the area. This notice was by way of information only. No specific location of the project had yet been decided by the state government. Once this notice reached various block offices, there was massive resentment among those people who feared that their land would be acquired. A number of political organizations and parties formed a Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee. On January 3, 2007, an unruly mob of about 3,000 people attacked a police party under the charge of officer-in-charge, Nandigram police station and set fire to a police jeep. In another incident on the same day, another police jeep was set on fire at Garchakraberia Bazar, 23 police personnel also received injuries in these clashes. Three cases were registered in Nandigram police station over these incidents.
There incidents were followed by several meetings between the administration and the opposition parties in which it was clarified by the district administration that no notification for acquisition of land had yet been finalized. In spite of that, local feelings ran very high and a bandh was declared in Nandigram police station area on January 4, 2007. Following this, peace meetings were held in several places of Nandigram police station on January 6, 2007, but even after the meetings, the situation turned violent. In the night of January 6/January 7, 2007 there was a major clash between two groups - one owing allegiance to the Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee and the other owing allegiance to the ruling Left Front. In this clash, four people, who were residents of various villages of Nandigram police station, were killed and two separate cases were started over this incident. This was followed by ransacking of CPI(M) Party Offices at several places and incidents of violence and arson at the residence of several local leaders of the CPI(M). The agitators also damaged many bridges and culverts and dug up several roads as a result of which, the movement of vehicles became impossible after January 7, 2007.
In a series of peace meetings convened by the district Magistrate, Purba Medinipur over this issue starting from January 8, 2007 it was unanimously decided that all parties would take necessary steps to restore peace in the locality and police camps would be set up at the disturbed places. Despite these resolutions, however, it was not possible to repair the damaged roads, culverts and bridges and it was also not possible to deploy the state police within the affected parts of the Nandigram police station. Despite several measures initiated by the district administration to restore peace, execution of all government projects and schemes came to a standstill since no government officer was allowed to enter the affected areas. Gradually, a number of people owing allegiance to CPI(M) had to move their places of normal residence in Nandigaram police station and take shelter in several temporary camps at Khejuri. Tension between the two rival groups kept on mounting. There were several incidents of violence between February 03, and February 06, 2007 in which fire was exchanged or bombs exploded between the rival groups. On February 07, 2007 a sub-inspector of police, Shri Sadhu Chatterji had gone to investigate a report received about destruction of road communication. He was waylaid by an unruly mob and killed. His dead body was recovered only on February 10, 2007. Over this incident also, a case was started but all these cases could not be investigated properly because the police was not able to enter the affected areas.
On February 11, 2007, the chief minister in a public meeting at a place close to the affected area made an open commitment that no land for setting up the chemical hub and SEZ would be acquired at Nandigram if the people of Nandigram were against such acquisition.
However, sporadic incidents of violence involving displaced people in the caps at Khejuri and the people of Bhangaberia and Sonachura areas of Nandigram police station continued. It was resolved in one of the peace meetings that both parties would maintain peace during the Madhyamik Pariksha (Class-X) which was going on. The Madhyamik Pariksha was over on March 5, 2007. The district magistrate, Purba Medinipur again convened an all-party peace meeting. In this meeting he proposed that peace should be restored, police should enter the affected areas of Nandigram police station, damaged bridges and roads should be repaired and normalcy restored to the entire affected areas. However, the representatives of the Trinamool Congress and the Indian National Congress did not attend this meeting.
It was decided that this law-less situation in Nandigram and its surroundings should not be allowed to continue, the damaged roads, bridges and culverts should be repaired without any further delay and police should be take up the investigations the cases of the murder. Thereafter, police force was mobilized and it was decided that the force would enter Nandigarm through three separate routes under the leadership of senior offices. The police force was asked to exercise utmost restraint. They were further directed to use loud hailers to explain the purpose of the movement of the police party to the people of that locality which is to establish peace and restore normalcy. Ultimately, the police movement started about 10.00 a.m in the morning of March 14, 2007. While one of the police parties could move into Nandigaram without any resistance two other police parties were confronted by large gatherings of hostile people. When the police asked them to disperse, they paid no heed and resorted to heavy brick-batting causing injury to some policemen. To disperse the mob, police lobbed tear gas shells. The mob them became more agitated and started hurling bombs followed by opening of fire. A few policemen sustained splinter injuries. To control the situation, police initially fired rubber bullets, but this, again, yielded no results. Ultimately, the police had to open fire in self-defence causing dispersal of the mob. This incident took place near Bhangaberia bridge. Another police party also met with violent resistance at Adhikaripara where heavy brick batting, bomb throwing took place. As a result, some policemen were injured. In both the incidents, 12 policemen including Additional S.P, Tamluk and Assistant S.P. (Probationer) received splinter injuries and injuries due to brick batting. Serious and extensive injuries could be avoided as all the policemen were in protective gear. However, a number of people were injured in the police firing and it is believed that some of the agitators were also injured by the bombs that they were hurling. Till 8.00 p.m on March 14, 2007, according to the report received at the State Headquarters, 14 people died including some critically injured people who succumbed to the injuries. In addition, there were 63 injured people of whom 29 were shifted to Tamluk district hospital for treatment. 5 people were released after treatment to minor injuries and the rest were still at Nandigarm Rural Hospital to receive treatment or awaiting transfer to Tamluk Sub-divisional hospital. This is in addition to the 12 policemen injured in the incident who received medical attention separately.
Following the above incidents, there was no further organized resistance to the movement of the police party who were now able to move to Sonachura and establish a temporary camp there. Police was also able to reach a few other neighbouring villages. In course of police search, 8 illegal fire-arms were recovered which had probably been used against the police party.
There is high tension prevailing in the area but the situation is currently under control. Police camps have been set up in the disturbed area. Senior police officers are also camping and making efforts to restore peace.
There incidents were followed by several meetings between the administration and the opposition parties in which it was clarified by the district administration that no notification for acquisition of land had yet been finalized. In spite of that, local feelings ran very high and a bandh was declared in Nandigram police station area on January 4, 2007. Following this, peace meetings were held in several places of Nandigram police station on January 6, 2007, but even after the meetings, the situation turned violent. In the night of January 6/January 7, 2007 there was a major clash between two groups - one owing allegiance to the Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee and the other owing allegiance to the ruling Left Front. In this clash, four people, who were residents of various villages of Nandigram police station, were killed and two separate cases were started over this incident. This was followed by ransacking of CPI(M) Party Offices at several places and incidents of violence and arson at the residence of several local leaders of the CPI(M). The agitators also damaged many bridges and culverts and dug up several roads as a result of which, the movement of vehicles became impossible after January 7, 2007.
In a series of peace meetings convened by the district Magistrate, Purba Medinipur over this issue starting from January 8, 2007 it was unanimously decided that all parties would take necessary steps to restore peace in the locality and police camps would be set up at the disturbed places. Despite these resolutions, however, it was not possible to repair the damaged roads, culverts and bridges and it was also not possible to deploy the state police within the affected parts of the Nandigram police station. Despite several measures initiated by the district administration to restore peace, execution of all government projects and schemes came to a standstill since no government officer was allowed to enter the affected areas. Gradually, a number of people owing allegiance to CPI(M) had to move their places of normal residence in Nandigaram police station and take shelter in several temporary camps at Khejuri. Tension between the two rival groups kept on mounting. There were several incidents of violence between February 03, and February 06, 2007 in which fire was exchanged or bombs exploded between the rival groups. On February 07, 2007 a sub-inspector of police, Shri Sadhu Chatterji had gone to investigate a report received about destruction of road communication. He was waylaid by an unruly mob and killed. His dead body was recovered only on February 10, 2007. Over this incident also, a case was started but all these cases could not be investigated properly because the police was not able to enter the affected areas.
On February 11, 2007, the chief minister in a public meeting at a place close to the affected area made an open commitment that no land for setting up the chemical hub and SEZ would be acquired at Nandigram if the people of Nandigram were against such acquisition.
However, sporadic incidents of violence involving displaced people in the caps at Khejuri and the people of Bhangaberia and Sonachura areas of Nandigram police station continued. It was resolved in one of the peace meetings that both parties would maintain peace during the Madhyamik Pariksha (Class-X) which was going on. The Madhyamik Pariksha was over on March 5, 2007. The district magistrate, Purba Medinipur again convened an all-party peace meeting. In this meeting he proposed that peace should be restored, police should enter the affected areas of Nandigram police station, damaged bridges and roads should be repaired and normalcy restored to the entire affected areas. However, the representatives of the Trinamool Congress and the Indian National Congress did not attend this meeting.
It was decided that this law-less situation in Nandigram and its surroundings should not be allowed to continue, the damaged roads, bridges and culverts should be repaired without any further delay and police should be take up the investigations the cases of the murder. Thereafter, police force was mobilized and it was decided that the force would enter Nandigarm through three separate routes under the leadership of senior offices. The police force was asked to exercise utmost restraint. They were further directed to use loud hailers to explain the purpose of the movement of the police party to the people of that locality which is to establish peace and restore normalcy. Ultimately, the police movement started about 10.00 a.m in the morning of March 14, 2007. While one of the police parties could move into Nandigaram without any resistance two other police parties were confronted by large gatherings of hostile people. When the police asked them to disperse, they paid no heed and resorted to heavy brick-batting causing injury to some policemen. To disperse the mob, police lobbed tear gas shells. The mob them became more agitated and started hurling bombs followed by opening of fire. A few policemen sustained splinter injuries. To control the situation, police initially fired rubber bullets, but this, again, yielded no results. Ultimately, the police had to open fire in self-defence causing dispersal of the mob. This incident took place near Bhangaberia bridge. Another police party also met with violent resistance at Adhikaripara where heavy brick batting, bomb throwing took place. As a result, some policemen were injured. In both the incidents, 12 policemen including Additional S.P, Tamluk and Assistant S.P. (Probationer) received splinter injuries and injuries due to brick batting. Serious and extensive injuries could be avoided as all the policemen were in protective gear. However, a number of people were injured in the police firing and it is believed that some of the agitators were also injured by the bombs that they were hurling. Till 8.00 p.m on March 14, 2007, according to the report received at the State Headquarters, 14 people died including some critically injured people who succumbed to the injuries. In addition, there were 63 injured people of whom 29 were shifted to Tamluk district hospital for treatment. 5 people were released after treatment to minor injuries and the rest were still at Nandigarm Rural Hospital to receive treatment or awaiting transfer to Tamluk Sub-divisional hospital. This is in addition to the 12 policemen injured in the incident who received medical attention separately.
Following the above incidents, there was no further organized resistance to the movement of the police party who were now able to move to Sonachura and establish a temporary camp there. Police was also able to reach a few other neighbouring villages. In course of police search, 8 illegal fire-arms were recovered which had probably been used against the police party.
There is high tension prevailing in the area but the situation is currently under control. Police camps have been set up in the disturbed area. Senior police officers are also camping and making efforts to restore peace.
Wednesday, March 14, 2007
On Nandigram Incidents
[Press statement issued by the Polit Bureau of the CPI(M) on 14th March, 2007]
For two and a half months five gram panchayats in Block I of Nandigram have been out of bounds for the administration. Certain elements had resorted to violence and cut off roads and bridges in the area on the pretext of land acquisition.
CPI(M) members and supporters were driven out of the area. Two thousand and five hundred people were driven out of the area. More than a thousand people are sheltering in relief camps outside the area. Even after the government categorically declared that no land is being acquired in Nandigram, the Trinamul, naxalite and other elements refused to allow the administration or police into the area. Those who did not go along with their disruptive activities were targeted. Only a few days ago a woman, Sumita Mandal, was raped and killed.
The repeated efforts to have meetings so that peace can be resorted were rebuffed with these parties and elements refusing to attend the meetings. Finally, after an all-Party meeting, which was boycotted by the Trinamul Congress, a decision was taken that the administration must reestablish its authority and peace be resorted in the area.
The police entered Nandigram to see that the roads, culverts and bridges are repaired and the administration restored. They were attacked by brickbatting, bombs and use of pipe guns.
It is regrettable that lives have been lost in police firing. But the organised elements who utilised bombs and pipe guns on the police have to take the blame.
The Polit Bureau appeals to the people of West Bengal and in particular Nandigram and East Midnapur district to stand unitedly against such disruptive forces.
For two and a half months five gram panchayats in Block I of Nandigram have been out of bounds for the administration. Certain elements had resorted to violence and cut off roads and bridges in the area on the pretext of land acquisition.
CPI(M) members and supporters were driven out of the area. Two thousand and five hundred people were driven out of the area. More than a thousand people are sheltering in relief camps outside the area. Even after the government categorically declared that no land is being acquired in Nandigram, the Trinamul, naxalite and other elements refused to allow the administration or police into the area. Those who did not go along with their disruptive activities were targeted. Only a few days ago a woman, Sumita Mandal, was raped and killed.
The repeated efforts to have meetings so that peace can be resorted were rebuffed with these parties and elements refusing to attend the meetings. Finally, after an all-Party meeting, which was boycotted by the Trinamul Congress, a decision was taken that the administration must reestablish its authority and peace be resorted in the area.
The police entered Nandigram to see that the roads, culverts and bridges are repaired and the administration restored. They were attacked by brickbatting, bombs and use of pipe guns.
It is regrettable that lives have been lost in police firing. But the organised elements who utilised bombs and pipe guns on the police have to take the blame.
The Polit Bureau appeals to the people of West Bengal and in particular Nandigram and East Midnapur district to stand unitedly against such disruptive forces.
Monday, March 12, 2007
Union Budget 2007-08
In the context of the inflationary crisis affecting the economy, Budget 2007-08 comes as a disappointment. The Finance Minister has not exploited the many opportunities for additional resource mobilization, especially by taxing the rich whose income shares have increased. He has kept expenditure increases under a tight leash while restructuring it in a way that goes against the interest of the working people and the State governments. The Budget fails to seriously address the problems of unemployment and inflation. While the ban on futures trading in wheat and rice is welcome, the Budget has failed to do away with the ad valorem duty structure on petroleum products which would have helped in bringing down fuel prices.
While the need of the hour was an extension of the public distribution and an enhancement of food subsidy, the actual increase in proposed outlays on food subsidy is just 6.2 per cent which actually implies a cut in real terms when inflation of 6-7 per cent is taken into account. Likewise, the increase in purchasing power of the poor delivered through special employment schemes is almost negligible. Total expenditure on rural employment is budgeted to rise by just 3.5 per cent. Even the sum total of expenditure on the three flagship schemes – NREGS, SGRY and SGSY – is just 7 per cent which amounts to stagnation in real terms. The number of districts covered by the NREGS is proposed to be increased to 330 from 200, but the outlay has been increased from Rs 11300 crore last year to only Rs 12000 crore this year.
The claim that the focus of this budget is the agricultural sector, which is in the midst of a crisis, is also not justified in terms of allocations. Central Plan outlay on agriculture has hardly been increased as a proportion of GDP. Moreover, no effort has been made to provide price support to distressed farmers. In the absence of price support, the reduction in customs duties on a range of agricultural goods would depress agricultural prices and farmers incomes further. It appears that the Finance Minister is choosing to combat inflation by adversely affecting the livelihoods and incomes of the farming community.
In the social sectors, the one area where the government does propose to increase outlays is education. The total allocation for education has risen by a creditable 33 per cent. Higher education outlay is also budgeted to rise by 29 per cent. This is welcome given the commitment to enhance capacity in higher education to ensure reservations of seats for backward classes. What is surprising is that in the midst of these increases the outlay for the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaan programme has been cut. The allocation for ICDS has been increased by only Rs. 674 crore which is totally inadequate to meet the goal of providing an anganwadi in every settlement. While there is an increase in total expenditure on health by Rs. 3925 crore, this is still well below what is required to meet the NCMP commitment. The allocation for the National Rural Health Mission is still less than Rs. 10,000 crore. The entire provision for social security for labour has increased by only Rs. 1 crore and there is nothing in the Budget for workers.
Gross tax revenue is expected to increase by only 17 per cent which is the same as the expected growth of nominal GDP (assuming 9 per cent real GDP growth and 8 per cent inflation). Many opportunities to tax capital have been missed, such as the re-imposition of the capital gains tax and an increase in the Securities Transaction Tax. Further, the reduction of peak customs duties on non-agricultural products to only 10 per cent will adversely affect small producers and damage employment prospects.
Many of these failures are the result of the inability to mobilize additional resources. Overall, the Central Plan Outlay is projected to increase by 22.5 percent. Seen in light of that fact, the Finance Minister’s claim that the States have never had it so good is belied by the fact that Central Assistance to State Plans is expected to rise by just 8 percent. Even in terms of their shares in central taxes and loans and grants from the Centre to the States are expected to rise by 16.7 and 13.1 per cent respectively, which is less that the projected increase in nominal GDP.
In sum, the government has failed to deliver resources to warrant its rhetoric that the Budget serves the cause of a crisis-ridden peasantry, the working people and the poor. It has also failed to provide the required impetus to the Eleventh Five Year Plan. The Polit Bureau of the CPI (M) demands that the Finance Minister should enhance the Plan Outlay substantially in order to meet the pro-people commitments of the NCMP with regard to agriculture, education, health, employment generation, rural development and public distribution system. Resources for enhanced Plan outlays should be mobilized by taxing the affluent sections.
Originally issued: February 28, 2007
While the need of the hour was an extension of the public distribution and an enhancement of food subsidy, the actual increase in proposed outlays on food subsidy is just 6.2 per cent which actually implies a cut in real terms when inflation of 6-7 per cent is taken into account. Likewise, the increase in purchasing power of the poor delivered through special employment schemes is almost negligible. Total expenditure on rural employment is budgeted to rise by just 3.5 per cent. Even the sum total of expenditure on the three flagship schemes – NREGS, SGRY and SGSY – is just 7 per cent which amounts to stagnation in real terms. The number of districts covered by the NREGS is proposed to be increased to 330 from 200, but the outlay has been increased from Rs 11300 crore last year to only Rs 12000 crore this year.
The claim that the focus of this budget is the agricultural sector, which is in the midst of a crisis, is also not justified in terms of allocations. Central Plan outlay on agriculture has hardly been increased as a proportion of GDP. Moreover, no effort has been made to provide price support to distressed farmers. In the absence of price support, the reduction in customs duties on a range of agricultural goods would depress agricultural prices and farmers incomes further. It appears that the Finance Minister is choosing to combat inflation by adversely affecting the livelihoods and incomes of the farming community.
In the social sectors, the one area where the government does propose to increase outlays is education. The total allocation for education has risen by a creditable 33 per cent. Higher education outlay is also budgeted to rise by 29 per cent. This is welcome given the commitment to enhance capacity in higher education to ensure reservations of seats for backward classes. What is surprising is that in the midst of these increases the outlay for the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaan programme has been cut. The allocation for ICDS has been increased by only Rs. 674 crore which is totally inadequate to meet the goal of providing an anganwadi in every settlement. While there is an increase in total expenditure on health by Rs. 3925 crore, this is still well below what is required to meet the NCMP commitment. The allocation for the National Rural Health Mission is still less than Rs. 10,000 crore. The entire provision for social security for labour has increased by only Rs. 1 crore and there is nothing in the Budget for workers.
Gross tax revenue is expected to increase by only 17 per cent which is the same as the expected growth of nominal GDP (assuming 9 per cent real GDP growth and 8 per cent inflation). Many opportunities to tax capital have been missed, such as the re-imposition of the capital gains tax and an increase in the Securities Transaction Tax. Further, the reduction of peak customs duties on non-agricultural products to only 10 per cent will adversely affect small producers and damage employment prospects.
Many of these failures are the result of the inability to mobilize additional resources. Overall, the Central Plan Outlay is projected to increase by 22.5 percent. Seen in light of that fact, the Finance Minister’s claim that the States have never had it so good is belied by the fact that Central Assistance to State Plans is expected to rise by just 8 percent. Even in terms of their shares in central taxes and loans and grants from the Centre to the States are expected to rise by 16.7 and 13.1 per cent respectively, which is less that the projected increase in nominal GDP.
In sum, the government has failed to deliver resources to warrant its rhetoric that the Budget serves the cause of a crisis-ridden peasantry, the working people and the poor. It has also failed to provide the required impetus to the Eleventh Five Year Plan. The Polit Bureau of the CPI (M) demands that the Finance Minister should enhance the Plan Outlay substantially in order to meet the pro-people commitments of the NCMP with regard to agriculture, education, health, employment generation, rural development and public distribution system. Resources for enhanced Plan outlays should be mobilized by taxing the affluent sections.
Originally issued: February 28, 2007
CPI(M)’s Charter for the Advancement of the Muslim Community
Preamble
The 138 million (13.8 crore) Muslims in India are intrinsic to the multi-cultural, multi-lingual and multi-religious mosaic that is India. Secular democracy, under the Constitution, provides equal opportunities and fundamental rights for all irrespective of race, religion or creed as citizens of the country. A democratic system is evaluated by how it treats its minorities – whether religious, ethnic or linguistic. For fostering national unity, for strengthening democracy and secularism, it is essential that the Muslim minority, who constitute 13.4 per cent of the population, are provided equal opportunities to access the benefits of development and the fundamental rights given in the Constitution.
The Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee report has highlighted the deplorable socio-economic plight of the mass of the Muslim community. It has served to highlight the urgent need to adopt special measures for the upliftment in their social and economic conditions. It has also effectively rebutted the false and motivated propaganda about “minority appeasement”.
In the light of the Sachar Committee report, the Central government must frame a concrete programme backed with adequate financial allocations to address the discrimination faced by minority communities, in particular the Muslim minority community in the economic, social and educational sphere. It is essential to immediately identify Muslim areas and conduct concrete surveys, so that the assistance can be concretized. This exercise must be done in a time-bound framework.
Development
Employment and Income generation
The 138 million (13.8 crore) Muslims in India are intrinsic to the multi-cultural, multi-lingual and multi-religious mosaic that is India. Secular democracy, under the Constitution, provides equal opportunities and fundamental rights for all irrespective of race, religion or creed as citizens of the country. A democratic system is evaluated by how it treats its minorities – whether religious, ethnic or linguistic. For fostering national unity, for strengthening democracy and secularism, it is essential that the Muslim minority, who constitute 13.4 per cent of the population, are provided equal opportunities to access the benefits of development and the fundamental rights given in the Constitution.
The Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee report has highlighted the deplorable socio-economic plight of the mass of the Muslim community. It has served to highlight the urgent need to adopt special measures for the upliftment in their social and economic conditions. It has also effectively rebutted the false and motivated propaganda about “minority appeasement”.
In the light of the Sachar Committee report, the Central government must frame a concrete programme backed with adequate financial allocations to address the discrimination faced by minority communities, in particular the Muslim minority community in the economic, social and educational sphere. It is essential to immediately identify Muslim areas and conduct concrete surveys, so that the assistance can be concretized. This exercise must be done in a time-bound framework.
Development
- The government must formulate a sub-plan for the Muslim community on the lines of the tribal sub-plan. There has to be a specific budgetary allocation in all development schemes for Muslims proportionate to their population at the all-India level. Under a special component plan, allocation may be made in the states proportionate to the percentage of Muslims in that state.
- The implementation of existing schemes for minority welfare must be strictly monitored. Increased financial allocations to institutions such as Maulana Azad Foundation, NMDFC, Wakf Council etc. should be ensured to strengthen and expand the schemes.
- Effective steps for protection of Wakf properties and proper utilization of these properties for the welfare, educational and social development of the community.
- In Muslim populated villages and municipal wards, it is found that often there are neither ICDS nor primary health centers. These must be ensured.
- Special schemes to ensure housing for poorer sections of the community must be ensured.
Employment and Income generation
- Provide reservations for dalit Muslims.
- In the important field of employment, it is necessary for OBC Muslims to get an adequate share of the reserved quota for OBCs. At present, even though they are listed in a large number of states as OBCs, they have hardly benefited through the OBC quota. Access to OBC certificates must be simplified. Where Muslim OBCs have not been listed, such an exercise must be completed in a time-bound manner. A monitoring mechanism can be set up in different states to check the progress on this front.
- In recruitments for state and Central security forces, Muslims must get adequate representation.
- Adequate number must be empanelled in all recruitment boards of selection committees.
- Since large numbers of the Muslim community, including Muslim women, are engaged in traditional work as artisans and self-employed, it is essential to make easy credit available to them. Smooth flow of credit from financial institutions, banks and various corporations for self-employment, micro-enterprises and small and medium scale industries must be ensured. The 15 per cent allocation for minorities from priority sector bank loans assured by the Prime Minister must be implemented.
- It is found that Muslim women have not had adequate opportunities in the self-help group sector. Attention must be paid to form women’s self-help groups among Muslims with bank linkages.
- Large scale skill development programmes to upgrade traditional skills must be organized by government for the community with special programmes for Muslim women. Special emphasis must be placed on trades traditionally undertaken by minority groups.
- In land reform programmes, in allocation of plots in residential and industrial areas, shops, stalls, petrol/gas dealerships, opportunities for Muslims should be ensured.
- Schools, including residential schools imparting modern education for both girls and boys must be built in all districts and blocks with sizable Muslim population. Muslim girls’ hostels must be constructed to facilitate education among girls.
- Incentives for women’s and girl's education must be given. Increase in the number of hostels including hostels for Muslim girls.
- There must be a substantial increase in increase in stipends and scholarships on means cum merit basis.
- Recruitment of Urdu-speaking teachers and filling up of vacancies of Urdu teaching posts in schools. Urdu must be available as an optional subject in all government and government-aided schools in areas with substantial Urdu-speaking population. Good quality textbooks in Urdu must be provided.
- Efforts should be made to introduce and encourage scientific and job oriented education in Madarsas. In some states like West Bengal, general syllabus is also taught in Madarsas and certificates and degrees awarded by Madarsas are recognized. This enables easy migration from Madarsas to general education institutions. This model may be tried in other states also.
- Special programmes should be undertaken to establish vocational training institutes, polytechnics and colleges in Muslim-dominated areas.
- Justice to communal violence victims must be ensured. Adequate compensation to all victims including victims of the Gujarat genocide in line with that of the 1984 victims.
- All perpetrators of communal violence must be immediately brought to book within a time-bound framework, regardless of their public or official position.
- Recommendations of the Sri Krishna Commission on the Mumbai violence which indicted top politicians, police and government officers to be implemented.
- Government must end delay and immediately institute time-bound CBI investigations into the Gujarat genocide related cases, whose victims are still denied justice.
Resolution of the C.P. Bangladesh on the current situation in Bangladesh
The following resolution has been adopted at the meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bangladesh held on 3rd March.
Dr. Fakhruddin led Care Taker Government (CTG) has been sworn in to state power. Some positive reaction has been created after the government's nullification of the farcical 'Blue Print Election' scheduled to be held on 22nd January and the declaration to bring about electoral reforms, which has been a popular demand since many years.
Failure and bankruptcy of bourgeois politics, lack of morality and ideology, opportunism, pro imperialist policies, corruption and violence has been pushing the country towards uncertainty and destruction. In the background of this critical situation the steps taken by new CTG has crated some optimism in public mind.
The CPB is carrying on a consistent struggle against the criminalization and commercialization of politics, and to build up an honest, sincere, patriotic, democratic, progressive and development oriented trend in country's politics since a long time. The CPB considers that it is an urgent political task to build up a Left- Democratic alternative in country's politics to replace the de-facto bipartisan bourgeois politics in order to combat the prevailing criminal and corrupt politics, which is the root cause of present crisis.
'State of Emergency' has been declared all over the country. The government has taken some initiatives against plundering, corruption and illegal occupier and marketing of toxic foods. Generally these steps received popular public support. To resist the plunderer god fathers and mafias who have become much stronger due to the continuous criminalization of politics and society, the real antidote is the invincible strength of the people's power. But people's power cannot be unleashed if the present government continues to restrict and curtail fundamental rights, freedom of press and expression, trade union rights and just struggle of the peoples in the name of emergency. Rather the anti-people exploiters and reactionary forces will take advantages of the restrictions on the rights of the people.
The experience of the days of Pakistan and Bangladesh shows that despite some actions occasionally taken time to time against war criminals, plunderers, corrupt and terrorists they could not be vanquished fully, and on the other hand they have rejuvenated themselves by taking the advantages of public anger that generates in the common people out of the failures and misrule of the government in power. Historic experience teaches us that the crisis of democracy cannot be resolved by the miraculous power or 'de-politicization'. We also have the experience of the military autocratic regime of Gen. Ershad. We must remember hat any crisis of democracy can only be resolved through the democracy itself.
The previous government had conspired to handover the country's gas, coal, seaport, electricity, water supply system and valuable natural resources to foreign multinationals. US imperialisms and its collaborator's are still casting a greedy look over the Bangladesh. Our beloved motherland has already been enchained by some unequal and illegal treaties with that plundering force of imperialism. Taking advantage of the pro-imperialist and subservient policy of the governments imperialism is continuously interfering in country's politics and internal affairs with the intention of using the geopolitical position of Bangladesh to establish their permanent presence in this region. The people of Bangladesh must build up a strong and united movement against this imperialist conspiracy in the same way as they had developed the recent movement against the farcical 'Blueprint Election'.
Making use of the excuse of uprooting illegal occupiers, the government is evicting slum-dwellers, street-hawkers and rickshaw-pullers and even the small shops of rural areas. Violating the High Court judgment ordering the ensuring of rehabilitation prior to he eviction of slum-dwellers, the government has practically made millions of poor working people homeless and jobless. The quesstion also remains as to what benefits will the land freed from illegal occupation ultimately bring for the people, because previously we have experienced how the recovered forest, plain land, hills and khas land were son reoccupied by the land grabbers.
The price hike of essentials is still not under control, rather it is increasing everyday. So the daily life of poor and low incoming people is becoming more distressful.
From practical experience,slightly departing from so called free market economy, the present government has taken some measures for distribution of fertilizers under the supervission of army and government forces, which has proven itself effective and timely. Due to these steps peasants in many areas of the country have been able to buy fertilizer at normal price. But the supply of fertilizers is much below the requirements of peasant's demand. Despite the state of emergency the deepening electricity crisis has made peasants helpless and compelled them to come out in the street.
The government has already declared its commitment to conduct a free, fair, neutral and meaningful election, which will be truly free from money and muscle power. CPB considers that any unnecessary delay in holding general election will be suicidal. There is no alternative to an elected government. The task to caarying on the struggle against corruption and violence is not a matter of only certain months or years. It is a matter of continuous struggle. Moreover, it is also necessary to stop the reproduction of the crisis emanating from corruption and plundering, for which it is necessary to uproot the prevailing plundering capitalist system, which is the socio-economic basis of the crisis. This goal can only be achieved through a democratically elected government, organized and active peoples movement and through a revolutionary democratic transformation of the society.
Previous governments have never accepted the popular demand for election reform. They had repeatedly ignored CPB's 53 point charter of demand for comprehensive election reform. The CPB hopes that present government will take initiatives to implement the 53 point charter of demand of CPB.
In recent times the CPB is being widely appreciated by the people for its honest, sincere and pro-people role in country's politics. This good will should be further extended by increasing the strength of Party organization and its mass basis. All Party members should br alert and active to fulfil this responsibility. At the same time effort should also be taken to build up a Left-Democratic alternative and for this to give more effort in advancing the united effort of the Left parties work among the working class and toiling people. Bipolar politics, communal fundamentalist forces,de-politicization or political formulas evolved out of the dictate, blu print or collaboration of imperialism will not be able to resolve the crisis of the country. Rather they will increase the crisis.
In this period of transition the ordinary people wants that the left-democratic, patriotic, honest and secular politics will replace criminal politics. They are also waiting for the implementation of the spirit of great Liberation War of 1971.
The CPB has calls upon all its comrades, supporters and sympathizers, democratic-progressive, pro-developement forces and all countryman to come forward to take up this mighty challenge of the day. The CPB also calls upon the toiling people and progressive inteligentia of the country to join the ranks of the CPB to advance the journey of our nation towards 'progress and liberty'.
Date: 3rd march 2007, Dhaka
Dr. Fakhruddin led Care Taker Government (CTG) has been sworn in to state power. Some positive reaction has been created after the government's nullification of the farcical 'Blue Print Election' scheduled to be held on 22nd January and the declaration to bring about electoral reforms, which has been a popular demand since many years.
Failure and bankruptcy of bourgeois politics, lack of morality and ideology, opportunism, pro imperialist policies, corruption and violence has been pushing the country towards uncertainty and destruction. In the background of this critical situation the steps taken by new CTG has crated some optimism in public mind.
The CPB is carrying on a consistent struggle against the criminalization and commercialization of politics, and to build up an honest, sincere, patriotic, democratic, progressive and development oriented trend in country's politics since a long time. The CPB considers that it is an urgent political task to build up a Left- Democratic alternative in country's politics to replace the de-facto bipartisan bourgeois politics in order to combat the prevailing criminal and corrupt politics, which is the root cause of present crisis.
'State of Emergency' has been declared all over the country. The government has taken some initiatives against plundering, corruption and illegal occupier and marketing of toxic foods. Generally these steps received popular public support. To resist the plunderer god fathers and mafias who have become much stronger due to the continuous criminalization of politics and society, the real antidote is the invincible strength of the people's power. But people's power cannot be unleashed if the present government continues to restrict and curtail fundamental rights, freedom of press and expression, trade union rights and just struggle of the peoples in the name of emergency. Rather the anti-people exploiters and reactionary forces will take advantages of the restrictions on the rights of the people.
The experience of the days of Pakistan and Bangladesh shows that despite some actions occasionally taken time to time against war criminals, plunderers, corrupt and terrorists they could not be vanquished fully, and on the other hand they have rejuvenated themselves by taking the advantages of public anger that generates in the common people out of the failures and misrule of the government in power. Historic experience teaches us that the crisis of democracy cannot be resolved by the miraculous power or 'de-politicization'. We also have the experience of the military autocratic regime of Gen. Ershad. We must remember hat any crisis of democracy can only be resolved through the democracy itself.
The previous government had conspired to handover the country's gas, coal, seaport, electricity, water supply system and valuable natural resources to foreign multinationals. US imperialisms and its collaborator's are still casting a greedy look over the Bangladesh. Our beloved motherland has already been enchained by some unequal and illegal treaties with that plundering force of imperialism. Taking advantage of the pro-imperialist and subservient policy of the governments imperialism is continuously interfering in country's politics and internal affairs with the intention of using the geopolitical position of Bangladesh to establish their permanent presence in this region. The people of Bangladesh must build up a strong and united movement against this imperialist conspiracy in the same way as they had developed the recent movement against the farcical 'Blueprint Election'.
Making use of the excuse of uprooting illegal occupiers, the government is evicting slum-dwellers, street-hawkers and rickshaw-pullers and even the small shops of rural areas. Violating the High Court judgment ordering the ensuring of rehabilitation prior to he eviction of slum-dwellers, the government has practically made millions of poor working people homeless and jobless. The quesstion also remains as to what benefits will the land freed from illegal occupation ultimately bring for the people, because previously we have experienced how the recovered forest, plain land, hills and khas land were son reoccupied by the land grabbers.
The price hike of essentials is still not under control, rather it is increasing everyday. So the daily life of poor and low incoming people is becoming more distressful.
From practical experience,slightly departing from so called free market economy, the present government has taken some measures for distribution of fertilizers under the supervission of army and government forces, which has proven itself effective and timely. Due to these steps peasants in many areas of the country have been able to buy fertilizer at normal price. But the supply of fertilizers is much below the requirements of peasant's demand. Despite the state of emergency the deepening electricity crisis has made peasants helpless and compelled them to come out in the street.
The government has already declared its commitment to conduct a free, fair, neutral and meaningful election, which will be truly free from money and muscle power. CPB considers that any unnecessary delay in holding general election will be suicidal. There is no alternative to an elected government. The task to caarying on the struggle against corruption and violence is not a matter of only certain months or years. It is a matter of continuous struggle. Moreover, it is also necessary to stop the reproduction of the crisis emanating from corruption and plundering, for which it is necessary to uproot the prevailing plundering capitalist system, which is the socio-economic basis of the crisis. This goal can only be achieved through a democratically elected government, organized and active peoples movement and through a revolutionary democratic transformation of the society.
Previous governments have never accepted the popular demand for election reform. They had repeatedly ignored CPB's 53 point charter of demand for comprehensive election reform. The CPB hopes that present government will take initiatives to implement the 53 point charter of demand of CPB.
In recent times the CPB is being widely appreciated by the people for its honest, sincere and pro-people role in country's politics. This good will should be further extended by increasing the strength of Party organization and its mass basis. All Party members should br alert and active to fulfil this responsibility. At the same time effort should also be taken to build up a Left-Democratic alternative and for this to give more effort in advancing the united effort of the Left parties work among the working class and toiling people. Bipolar politics, communal fundamentalist forces,de-politicization or political formulas evolved out of the dictate, blu print or collaboration of imperialism will not be able to resolve the crisis of the country. Rather they will increase the crisis.
In this period of transition the ordinary people wants that the left-democratic, patriotic, honest and secular politics will replace criminal politics. They are also waiting for the implementation of the spirit of great Liberation War of 1971.
The CPB has calls upon all its comrades, supporters and sympathizers, democratic-progressive, pro-developement forces and all countryman to come forward to take up this mighty challenge of the day. The CPB also calls upon the toiling people and progressive inteligentia of the country to join the ranks of the CPB to advance the journey of our nation towards 'progress and liberty'.
Date: 3rd march 2007, Dhaka
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